There is plenty of evidence to suggest that British sociology has consistently been perceived as a subject aimed at providing general education. As early as 1914/15, sociological courses at the LSE were being promoted as providing a good opportunity to deepen students’ ‘intelligent interest in everything connected with their subsequent practical work’ and helping them in getting the much necessary ‘general education’ (LSE Calendar 1914/15). Later on, in a sociology guide for incoming students, Tropp and Banks argued that sociology provided ‘sound liberal education’ (Tropp and Banks, 1960); while Little argued that sociology was ‘certainly’ the ‘type of general education that many of the supporters of new universities […] hope to see offered (Little, 1963). In 1986, Martin Albrow, then President of the BSA, re-asserted that sociology has ‘a leading role to play in asserting the breadth of a humane education’ (Albrow, 1986). Partly as a result of such views, specialised statistical training has been perceived as irrelevant.

Also, consistently throughout the twentieth century British sociologists have expressed dissatisfaction with the state of the development of sociological theoretical research and used this as a justification for insisting on more intensive and sharper focus on theory. Alongside this, they have used the development of empirical research outside of sociology as an excuse as to why sociology does not need to engage with that type of research, including statistical research. In this way a strong case for investing in theoretical or non-empirical research was made.

Meanwhile, a particular attitude towards the role of methodology developed in the post-war period as a result of which methods teaching was viewed as an activity of secondary importance, something that could be left to the postgraduate level. In the 1950s, at the BSA there was ‘a deep concern […] with what some members considered to be a trivialization of sociology and a retreat from the consideration of significant social problems into the waste-land of methodological rigour and ethically neutral theory’ (Tropp, [1957], 2011). This continued later on beyond the BSA and in the universities.

There are also clear signs of a wide-spread attitude of indifference and scepticism towards statistics. It was argued that “sociological problems are not quantitative problems at all” (Harrison quoting Becker, 1947); that statistics can only prove the existence of already known facts (MacRae, 1969) and might reduce the subject to ‘computerized trivia’ (Carter, 1968); and that the social survey ‘carries with it an almost inevitable superficiality and flatness’ (Shils, 1961).

Examining the teaching of statistics from an historical perspective and in a wider historical context helps us understand why sociology students have been less likely to learn quantitative methods and become statistically literate, despite the presence of quantitative methods teaching.

Teaching statistics is not merely a curriculum matter; it’s a matter of attitude or worldview. British sociologists have consistently taught statistics reluctantly and with a depreciative attitude and, most importantly, with an attitude that takes statistical data and statistical analysis – facts more generally - for granted. So if we want to improve the teaching of statistics to social scientists, history teaches us that more and better teaching of stats alone won’t do. A change of attitude would also be required to make this teaching work. History can teach us a lesson here as well.

The early to mid-nineteenth century was a period of unprecedented large-scale data collection and a strong enthusiasm for empirical analysis and quantification. As a result of the tendency of social researchers and social reformers at that period to focus primarily on the collection of statistical data, sociologists, like Philip Abrams (1968) have argued that this period has been dominated by the pursuit of social enquiries that actually frustrated the development of sociology by making futile attempts to produce objective knowledge about society.

What tends to be forgotten, or dismissed, is that the 1830s was the first time ever in human history when it was possible to do social enquiries while making a distinction between facts and values because facts were for the first time widely available; one could do social philosophy or deductive political economy before and after data were widely available; but one could have social science, where the distinction of facts and values is crucial, only afterwards.

Unfortunately, if the nineteenth century was the time when facts were at the forefront of social science in Britain, in the twentieth century, at least in the case of sociology, facts were taken for granted and academic aspirations were placed elsewhere, ‘beyond the facts’.  

So my argument is this: although Gradgrind may have been exaggerating when he proclaimed that ‘in this life we want nothing but facts’, British sociologists too have been mistaken in adopting an attitude which takes statistical facts, their production and analysis, for granted. We can, and indeed we should, learn from the nineteenth century and adopt at least a little bit of their admiration for the ‘facts’ because now we are better equipped than ever with statistical methodology and advanced theoretical understanding to make sense of ‘the facts’; to make use of what Hans Rosling calls the attitude of ‘factfulness’, first demonstrated by early social statisticians, leave behind our ‘dramatic instincts’ and equip ourselves against any ‘terrible simplifiers’.

It is, of course, not that simple. But, if we want to teach statistics better, adopting such an attitude is crucial. Knowing a little bit of history makes all this a little bit easier.

 

References

 

Abrams, P. 1968. The Origins of British Sociology: 1834-1914. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press.

Albrow, M. 1986. ‘BSA Presidential Address 1986: The Undergraduate Curriculum in Sociology - a Core for Humane Education’, Sociology 20(3): 335-346.

Carter, M. P. 1968. ‘Report on a Survey of Sociological Research in Britain’, The Sociological Review 16(1): 5-40.

Harrisson, T. 1947. ‘The Future of Sociology: What is Sociology?’, Pilot Papers: Social Essays and Documents 2(1): 10-25.

Little, A. 1963. ‘Sociology in Britain since 1945’, Social Science Information Journal 2(2): 64-92.

London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). 1914. LSE Calendar 1914-5. London: LSE.

MacRae, D. 1969. ‘In Praise of Literacy’, New Society 13: 342 (601), 2nd January 1969 (17th April 1969).

Shils, E. 1961. ‘Sociology in Britain’, The Guardian, 14th July 1961.

Tropp, A. [1957] 2011. ‘The Present State and Development of Professional Sociology’, Sociological Research Online 16(3): 24.

Tropp, A. and Banks, J. 1960. Sociology and Social Anthropology - a Guide for Intending Students. London: BSA.

First published: 20 November 2019

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